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These papers on philosophy and culture-culture, the vaguest of concepts—began
as contributions to a set of panels organized by the MLA's Division
on Philosophical Approaches to Literature for the 2006 convention.
Our original call for work[1] invited
papers responding to the perceived incompatibility of theory
and philosophy, on the one hand, and cultural studies, on the
other; analyses of theoretically and philosophically inflected cultural
studies or culturally based philosophy; readings of historical and
contemporary interactions between the two fields; theoretical and
philosophical genealogies of the concept of "culture."
Our committee wished to encourage discussion of philosophy and culture
because we sensed that the term "culture," perhaps along
with some versions of cultural studies, might be falling into disfavor
even as its possibilities and complexities could scarcely be said
to have been explored; and because we regretted the perception that
philosophy and critical theory have been or should be opposed to
the study of culture, or cultural thinking, because of some necessary
incompatibility between abstract and cultural thought. (That philosophy
and theory have often
been hostile to cultural studies and cultural thinking institutionally
is unfortunately the case; I would argue that this does not need
to have been so, and has been a great mistake and a great loss to
our disciplines.) Believing that "culture" continues to
be a rich and generative concept for philosophy and critical theory,
and that philosophical cultural studies is not at all difficult to
find, we hoped to inspire reflection on the nature and the history
of the relations that the concepts and study of culture and philosophy
have had with each other so far.
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Arguably, those relations take a nascent version of their modern
European form in the late eighteenth century. This is to say, first
of all, that the history of the concept of "culture" itself
is short. Schiller's assertion in the Sixth Letter of Aesthetic
Education (1795), "Our
reputation for training and refinement, which we justly stress in
considering every mere state of nature, will not serve our turn in
regard to the Greek nature, which united all the attractions of art
and all the dignity of wisdom, without, however, becoming the victim
of them as does our own [Der Ruhm der Ausbildung and Verfeinerung,
den wir mit Rech gegen jede ander bloße Nature geltend
machen, kann uns gegen die griechische nature nicht zu statten kommen,
die sich mit allen Reizen der Kunst and mit aller Würde der
Weisheit vermählte, ohne doch, wie die unsrige, das Opfer derselben
zu Sein]" (Schiller, 90; Snell, 37, translation modified) implies
that the Greeks had something better than disciplinary improvement.
This something better is, in fact, beginning to take over the meaning
of "culture"-to make "culture" itself designate
a quasi-natural, more and less than merely intentional, enigmatic
harmony among one's disciplinary practices. "Kultur" is
not the word that comes to Schiller's mind as he searches for some
alternative to "Ausbildung" (training,
education). Attributing a "natural" quality to Greek humanity,
Schiller also imputes ethnic character, falling readily into a racialized
stereotype in a way that makes us nervous about the similarly collective
and not-quite intentional sense of "culture" today.
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In English literature, it is not easy to find references to "culture" that
take on the sense of a broad set of practices or knowledge before
the Victorian period. One finds instead a strongly metaphorical use
of the word, in which the sense of "agriculture" is applied
as a self-conscious figure. "Culture" in this sense is
the culture of something in particular—of the body, of an art, of
a young mind-and
is strongly intentional and opposed to unguided nature, or even to
an economy's paths of least resistance. The sense is that of a deliberate
training, similar to Greek paideia. It does not fully have
the collective, enigmatic connotation of the contemporary term. Wordsworth's
usage in Book XIII of The Prelude, where culture is associated
with "language purified / By manners studied and elaborate" (190),
is still old school, even as he feels his way, like Schiller, toward
something else. It's not until Matthew Arnold's Culture and
Anarchy (1869) that talk of culture in the current sense of
the word becomes truly popular.
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In Europe in the Romantic period, "culture" seems to have
been under construction, wavering from the intentionalism of the
early modern figure, but not, for the most part, yet having attained
the full-blown organicism of German idealist Kultur.[2] If
this were so, we would not yet be able to assume that the invention
of "culture" is necessarily implicated in an ethnicization
of human production. Rather, it may be that "culture" comes
into usage late in the day because earlier, notions of race that
were utterly ontological did all of the work that would eventually
come to be separated into concepts of race, class, nation, society,
and culture. If culture were imported into debates about society
from an earlier pattern of usage that stressed figuration and intention,
it would have held potential for a mediation of concrete practices
and projected deep structures, individual and social contributions,
that could compete with the ontologically based mediation so conveniently
offered by racial thinking. "Culture" and "race" may
be often found together because they are competing for the same territory,
not because they are one and the same; and they may each serve the
convenient function of blurring the distinction between particular
practices and a collective sense of "something else" without
bearing the same implications or relying on the same assumptions.
The myriad ways in which this is true can be explored in the work
of a sophisticated practitioner of the philosophy of culture such
as Georg Simmel.[3]
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In practice,
most of the papers at the 2006 MLA did not take up the relation
between philosophy and culture head-on. (J. Hillis Miller's paper
below is an exception, and generated a lot of interesting discussion
at its panel.) They investigated elements of culture, such as
literary education (in Ted Underwood's paper) and the development
of models of individuality and society (which play a role in
Daniel Tiffany's, Thomas Pfau's, and Manu Chander's papers alike).
They inquired into the dynamics of autonomy and collectivity that are
recurrently at stake in the concept of culture. And in order to do so,
they compared Romantic theories to modern or contemporary ones. Underwood
reconsiders Foucault's resistance to historical continuity in
the light of the Romantic pedagogy that instituted the study of discrete
literary periods; Pfau compares Charles Taylor's attack on the teleological
systematization of liberal society as an economy, and what Taylor
considers to be an illusory negative vision of "freedom" that
shadows that systematization, with Schopenhauer's attack on "free
will." Tiffany
traces an analogy between Leibniz's Monadology, Schlegel's
monadic model of the poetic fragment, and the unmarked "placeless
places" of modern nightlife, showing how poetry finds in the
monad an evocative figure for its own project of externalizing
interiority. Manu Chander argues that Kant's dual recognition of
empiricism and rationalism echoes in Pierre Bourdieu's dialectics
of society and individual agency—the give and take between "position" and "position-taking" or
avowed position as social act. These papers gain perspective from
Romantic (and sometimes pre- and post-Romantic) elaborations of
the ways in which manifestations of individuality, interiority,
particularity, and privacy may coalesce quite tenuously to express
an aspect of collectivity. An echo of this same concern appears
in Miller's association of cultural studies with interest in the
patterns of the performing—if
not strictly performative—individual body. Interestingly, in none
of these essays does "culture" take the shape of a culture
industry or an ethnicized fantasy (important as these possible
shapes are). Implicitly, "culture" appears here mostly
in earnest, as it were, as a temporary network of habits, ideas,
affinities, and position-takings that is not as coherent as an
ideology and that has no particular valence, shape, or size. They
are critical of unreflective formulations of freedom, but they
don't seem to give up on the spontaneity of culture as creative
chance.
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Philosophical Approaches' call for papers also hoped to garner work
that showed philosophy and cultural studies in action together, and
the papers collected below move toward this goal in part or in whole.
Miller calls for attention from performance and gender studies to
to J.L. Austin's theory of performative utterances. Underwood's meticulous
reading of period literature course syllabi historicizes his understanding
of Foucault; Chander, working the other way around, from philosophy
to reflection on the philosophical antecedents and implications of
Bourdieu's sociology, reads the legacy of Kant's Antinomy of Taste
within Bourdieu's work to analyze their common emphasis on a field
of antagonisms. As Chander phrases it, "the theory of 'permanent
conflict' within Bourdieu's conception of the cultural field is derived
from the 'permanent conflict' between Kantian aesthetics and Foucauldian
discourse-analysis that structures Bourdieu's work." In both
Kant and Bourdieu, Chander suggests, the antagonism that is culture
also implies continually the possibility of a solution to antagonism.
Chander's essay thus complements Thomas Pfau's conclusion that nineteenth-century
"pessimistic conceptions of freedom" should be read "less
as a separate current
opposing the dominant narrative of nineteenth-century liberalism" than
as "a Blakean contrary" surfacing from within it.
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Daniel Tiffany's "Club Monad," meanwhile, enacts cultural
and philosophical thinking on several levels. Of course the whole
idea of reading Leibniz through modern nightlife and vice versa literalizes
a cultural philosophy and philosophy of culture. Tiffany's explanation
of how this can happen may be interesting for the modeling of "culture" itself.
When in this essay "the verbal topology of monadic substance
offers a useful model for the secret world of the club—a placeless
place—and for the infidel poetry associated with the topology
of nightlife," there
is a riddling "correspondence" but no common source for
Leibniz's philosophy, Schlegel's philosophical poetry, and "the
actual sites of nocturnal culture"; we have to find the correspondence
monad-style, expressed and reflected in particularities. I'd like
to suggest that the unaccountability of affinity apart from its instances
is not a weakness in the concept of culture but what culture, in
Tiffany's essay, and generated by the essay, can productively
be seen to be made out of. Because the history of the subcultural
nightclub "survives
for the most part . . . in writing" and because the
writing in which its trace survives is itself obscure, the literal
and the literary forms Tiffany studies point together toward a reality
that is "fundamentally
dissolute." This ontologically tenuous
organization models a way of thinking about culture that we now find
useful; what we now call culture often consists in "the
expressive correspondences" between
verbal, topographical, and sociological modes of the kind that Tiffany
identifies, "its very existence placed in question by the obscurity
of its material conditions," as Tiffany writes of nightlife.
In such a culture we don't know in advance, and in a real and happy
sense don't ever know, what group we are and how exactly we are hoping
to be changed. "Club Monad" participates in a process of
correspondence-seeking that, it finds, selects societies according
to an unparaphrasable affinity that is as much verbal as habitual;
this process never reduces the group solidarity of the moment to
a nameable identity.
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From this perspective, the notion that "culture" implies
a people because it has to belong to somebody is a kind of hysterical
reaction to the presence of the second person pronoun, no more justifiable
than the idea that a corporation, neighborhood or school is inherently
a racial concept. The difficulty of construing the relations between
deliberate practices and their non-deliberate outcomes, however,
is real, and remains a problem that it's hard to imagine addressing
without a philosophy of culture and a culturally historical philosophy.
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